Vioelnce in Belfast and around the six counties that made up Northern Ireland was intense in the period fro 1920-1922. Robert Lynch writing in the Journal of British Studies writes that:

Belfast had a higher per capita death rate than any other part of the country between 1920 and 1922, including the legendary fighting areas of Munster, so famed in Republican tradition (1). Although debates continue over the exact figures involved, it is estimated that between 453 and 463 people were killed in Belfast during this two year period, with over 1,100 wounded.

The People’s Protectors? The Irish Republican Army and the “Belfast Pogrom,” 1920–1922, Robert Lynch, Journal of British Studies 2008 47:2, 375-391

Events like the killing of District Inspector Swanzy of the RIC in Lisburn in August 1920 sparked anti-catholic riots in Lisburn, Bangor, Banbridge and Belfast that resulted in families being chased from their homes, businesses being burnt out and up to 22 deaths. That Swanzy'z death had been ordered by Collins and his associates for the role he played in the death of Cork's Lord Mayor, Tomas Mac Curtain shows how complex the events of the War of Independence were and how interlinked the 26 counties and the six northern counties really were even though we have grown to think of them as separate entities.

Just weeks before the terrible events in Lisburn, Bangor, Banbridge and Belfast, the Dail had received a call for help from members of the Belfast Corporation:

SEAN MACENTEE (Monaghan South) presented the above memorial signed by representative citizens of Belfast, which he had been asked to lay before the Dáil. [source]

We, the undersigned, members of the Belfast Corporation, and others, representing the views of Irish Republicans (and many others) in that city, beg to call the earnest attention of the Dáil to the war of extermination now being waged against us, and we appeal to you to stand by us in the struggle.

We assume that you have read the press reports of the pogrom which started on July 21st with the violent expulsion from work of well over 5,000 people; of the murders wrecking, looting and wholesale eviction of families. The situation for expelled workers grows worse daily, and all signs go to show that the persecution is to be continued with unabated vigour. No one, not being in Belfast can have any adequate idea of what our people are suffering now and must continue to suffer.

From the first, the promoters of these outrages have been publicly declaring that they are out to fight Sinn Fein, and drive it from the North-Eastern Pale. Already thousands of young men from every county in Ireland have been forced to fly, and thousands of others are idle here with destitution staring them in the face. The only condition on which they will be permitted to work is that they sign a declaration of loyalty to the British Government.

We earnestly appeal to Sinn Fein, through the Dáil to take up this straight challenge, and fight Belfast—the spear head of British power in Ireland. The ‘Loyalists’ have repeatedly declared at public meetings and in the Town Council that this time they are not fighting Popery as such, but Sinn Fein, so that mere sectarianism does not enter in.

We suggest that Sinn Fein can strike back with powerful effect by a commercial boycott of Belfast. Drastic action of this kind has already been taken spontaneously in various places, but the movement ought to be made national and thorough. The chief promoters of Orange intolerance here are the heads of the distributing trade throughout Ireland.

We further suggest that the most effective action Sinn Fein can take (to make Belfast realise that it is in Ireland and must be of Ireland) is to secure that its supporters throughout the country immediately withdraw all accounts from Banks having their Headquarters in Belfast, and transfer them to Banks with Headquarters in other parts of Ireland. This action is of vital importance. It will deprive Belfast merchants who mostly either support or assent [192] to this war on Irish Nationalism, of the fluid capital on which their business, through the medium of Belfast Banks, is largely run.

Other additional measures will doubtless suggest themselves to some of the gentlemen of the Dáil. The above will meet with the fullest approval of nearly 100,000 people in Belfast.

It should be strictly enjoined that Protestants in other parts of Ireland are not to be molested in any way on account of the actions of their co-religionists in Belfast. But, of course, those of them who are in business must be given to understand clearly that if they continue to get their goods from Belfast firms they cannot dispose of them to Sinn Feiners.

(Signed),

Joseph Cosgrove, T.C.
D. McCullough, T.C.
A. Savage, T.C., P.L.G.
Jer. Barnes, T.C.
Jas. McEntee.
Dr. Moore.
Dr. Jn. Doherty.
Mrs. A. McCullough, P.L.G.
Jas. Connolly.

Dated, August 5th 1920